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(叙述者)
A
Aurélie Dahir
K
Kim Qatas
M
Matthew Levitt
S
Suna Hagbola
叙述者：真主党是黎巴嫩的一个准军事组织和政党，受伊朗支持，其历史与黎巴嫩内战、以色列的入侵以及地区地缘政治密切相关。真主党在国际社会上形象复杂，被一部分人视为恐怖组织，被另一些人视为抵抗西方势力的象征。其目标包括将以色列赶出黎巴嫩，最终消灭以色列，解放耶路撒冷。真主党既是黎巴嫩的抵抗力量，也是与伊朗结盟的跨国组织，其双重身份使其形象复杂且备受争议。
Ramtin Arablui 和 Randabd El-Fattah：本集节目将讲述真主党的历史。
Kim Qatas：巴勒斯坦解放组织（PLO）及其武装分子在黎巴嫩的存在加剧了与当地居民，特别是基督教民族主义派系的摩擦，最终导致内战爆发。
Aurélie Dahir：巴勒斯坦人在黎巴嫩南部建立了事实上的“国中之国”，利用黎巴嫩领土袭击以色列。
Suna Hagbola：黎巴嫩在东西方影响之间的身份认同危机，以及是否支持巴勒斯坦解放组织（PLO）的问题，是导致内战的重要因素。
Matthew Levitt：1979年伊朗伊斯兰革命后，伊朗积极向中东地区输出革命，黎巴嫩成为其首要目标之一。
叙述者：1975年黎巴嫩内战爆发，其根本原因是基督教右翼民族主义和泛阿拉伯对巴勒斯坦事业的支持之间的冲突。1978年和1982年以色列入侵黎巴嫩，加剧了什叶派穆斯林的愤怒和不满，为真主党的兴起创造了条件。2000年以色列撤军，真主党将其视为胜利，巩固了其在黎巴嫩的地位。真主党参与黎巴嫩政治，旨在维护什叶派穆斯林的利益，但其主要目标是维护其自身利益，而非治理国家。真主党在历史上曾暗杀其政治对手，并在叙利亚内战中支持阿萨德政权，这些行为对其形象造成损害。2023年10月7日哈马斯袭击以色列后，真主党与以色列之间的冲突升级。
叙述者：黎巴嫩复杂的宗教派别和地缘政治环境为真主党的兴起奠定了基础。黎巴嫩的教派配额制度导致什叶派穆斯林长期政治地位低下，加剧了社会矛盾。20世纪60年代末黎巴嫩经济繁荣，贝鲁特成为国际旅游胜地，而什叶派穆斯林聚居的南部地区却依然贫困落后，加剧了社会不平等。1975年基督教法朗支派袭击巴勒斯坦人巴士事件，点燃了黎巴嫩长期积累的宗教和民族矛盾，正式爆发了内战。黎巴嫩内战中，地区和国际大国纷纷卷入，支持不同的派别。在以色列入侵黎巴嫩期间，一些黎巴嫩什叶派教士前往伊朗寻求帮助，最终促成了真主党的成立。伊朗革命卫队对黎巴嫩什叶派武装分子进行军事和意识形态培训，为真主党的建立奠定了基础。真主党的前身“黎巴嫩伊斯兰抵抗运动”（IRL）成立，其目标是抵抗以色列的侵略。“黎巴嫩伊斯兰抵抗运动”（IRL）发展壮大，并更名为“真主党”。真主党除了军事行动外，还建立了完善的社会福利体系，赢得了部分黎巴嫩民众的支持。真主党将自己定位为什叶派社群的保护者，并通过抵抗以色列的侵略来争取民众支持。以色列对黎巴嫩南部的残酷占领，也促进了真主党的壮大。1982年和1983年真主党对以色列和美国目标发动袭击，标志着真主党进入国际视野。真主党公开声明其目标是将以色列赶出黎巴嫩，最终消灭以色列，解放耶路撒冷。真主党与伊朗的关系密切，伊朗持续为真主党提供资金支持，真主党则在什叶派地区发展社会基础设施。真主党的影响力导致黎巴嫩什叶派社群变得更加保守。真主党参与黎巴嫩政治，但其主要目标是维护其自身利益，而非治理国家。真主党在黎巴嫩政治中扮演着独特角色，既参与政府运作，又保持独立性。真主党会对那些反对其利益的个人或组织采取行动。拉菲克·哈里里遇刺事件对黎巴嫩政治产生了深远影响。联合国调查将哈里里遇刺事件与真主党成员联系起来。真主党参与叙利亚内战，支持阿萨德政权，损害了其在阿拉伯世界的形象。真主党在叙利亚内战中的行为，使其在阿拉伯世界中失去了部分支持。真主党在叙利亚内战中的行为，引发了其支持者内部的质疑和分裂。黎巴嫩目前正经历经济和社会危机，这给真主党带来了新的挑战。2023年10月7日哈马斯袭击以色列后，真主党与以色列之间的冲突升级。伊朗与真主党的关系是伙伴关系，而非简单的控制与被控制关系。伊朗和真主党在战略目标上高度一致，都致力于对抗以色列和美国的影响力。真主党的意识形态根源于黎巴嫩内战，以及对殖民主义和社会不公的长期不满。
叙述者：The group is a large paramilitary organization and political party that is directly supported by the Islamic Republic of Iran. For some, they are a vicious terrorist group that has caused death and destruction. For others, they are one of the most resilient and steadfast forces of resistance against Western power in the Middle East. A history of Hezbollah. In essence, that war, if we really want to simplify it, was about a right-wing nationalism of Christian parties and pan-Arab support for the Palestinian cause. The presence of these militants in Lebanon became increasingly a source of friction with the local population and namely the mostly Christian nationalist faction. And they were using the soil, the territory of southern Lebanon as a military base to launch attacks on the north of Israel. That's Suna Hagbola. He's a professor of global Middle East studies at Roskilde University in Denmark. Now it became a question of to what extent Lebanon should give space for Palestinian militias to attack Israel directly. That question became not just strategic, but it became about identity. Basically, was Lebanon going to identify more with the West or was it going to face East and support the PLO? The country is on the Mediterranean Sea, with Syria to its north and east and Israel to its south. Even during the medieval period, it was located at both a strategically important point and a cultural crossroads. Over time, this made it an incredibly diverse country. It has 18 officially recognized religious sects. The three most powerful groups are the Maronite Christians, Sunni Muslims, and Shi'a Muslims. So, for example, the larger your religious group, the more seats you get in parliament. Lebanon always has a Christian president, a Sunni prime minister and Shia Speaker of the House. The only problem with this is that these quotas are based on a census from 1932. So the numbers are not very reflective of the actual demographic reality. And the main outcome of that is that Christians have a larger share of representation than their numbers actually allow for. And increasingly, as particularly Shiite Muslims became a larger part of the population, they felt that they were not given a fair deal in the quota system. The capital, Beirut, became an international destination for tourists and people who wanted to party. It had lavish nightclubs and a vibrant social scene. Some called it the Paris of the Middle East. That's quite a stark contrast to daily life in a Shiite village in the south. So when the Christian phalangist attacked that bus in 1975, it was like lighting a match and throwing it onto a powder keg of ethnic and religious tension. Lebanon is a small country and the fate of small countries is that they get used by regional and international powers. So in '78, Israel invaded Lebanon to push to the north the Palestinian armed groups and the Shiite community, the major community of South Lebanon. So it was the most severely hit and it was the major victim of that first invasion. The Shia Islamic revolution in Iran was never intended to end at the borders of Iran. And so they immediately created departments and agencies whose sole purpose was to export that revolution. The ties between Iran and Lebanon's Shia communities date back to the 1500s, when the Safavid Empire forcefully converted Iran from Sunni to Shia Islam. And because Lebanon's Shia community had long been oppressed, the prospect of having a state like Iran as an ally changed the balance of power in Lebanon. But that would all change in 1982. Israeli military forces entered southern Lebanon again to push back the PLO. But Israel's then defense minister, Ariel Sharon, had grander vision. He wanted to do more than just push back Palestinian militants from the border. He... Decided to push all the way to Beirut. The capital of Lebanon. She says a spokesman for the Iranian parliament, along with Ayatollah Khomeini's son, said, Look, the Israeli army is way too powerful. And Iran had its hands full with the Iraqi invasion, which it was starting to turn back. They take over an old military barracks and they start training Shia militants. And the idea was to create some superstructure and to provide some training, including, by the way, ideological training. With this support from Iran, the Shia clerics were able to start an organization called The Resistance, the Muqawwama. The Islamic Resistance in Lebanon. The IRL, or in Arabic, Al-Muqawwama Al-Islamiyya Fi Lubnan, which soon realized it needed more than just military power. The IRL will feel the need to add to that military structure a whole network of civilian institutions. That network of civilian institutions was called Hezbollah, which translates to Party of God. If you're wounded in an Israeli attack, then basically they will take care of you for free. They had Iranian funds to be able to pay salaries and to empower people to be able to build grassroots institutions, not just political, but much more importantly, social, welfare, religious, educational, medical. Finally, someone was standing up for them, someone from within the Shia community. So there was an element here of going from zero to hero, of empowerment, of being part of something bigger than themselves. It was the brutal nature of Israel's occupation of southern Lebanon. The following year, 1983, is when the U.S. Marine barracks in Beirut were attacked, which the U.S. government linked to Hezbollah, who deny involvement. Our sons are now in an ever-escalating confrontation against these enemies until the following objectives are achieved. Israel's final departure from Lebanon as a prelude to its final obliteration from existence and the liberation of venerable Jerusalem from the talons of occupation. Who are they? What are they? Are you really Lebanese? Are you really more interested in a foreign power? And they've never been able to fully answer that because, of course, they're both. The Taif Agreement, like a national reconciliation accord that formally ended the civil war, required that all sectarian communities and groups disarm. Hezbollah asserts that it should be the one that doesn't because it is the resistance organization and it has to deal with Israel. His name was Hassan Nasrallah. Hassan Nasrallah decided to really focus all the effort and all the money and all the time and all the energy of the IRL on fighting the Israelis. This is the first time where the Israelis didn't manage to achieve their goals. This is the first time where Hezbollah managed to inflict serious damages on the north of Israel. The end of Israel's 22-year occupation of South Lebanon last week erased a line that divided not just Lebanon's land, but its people. That was the first. Nobody ever saw that in the history of the Middle East. It wants to inculcate the idea that it is serving lofty goals that are in God's interests and in the interests of all Lebanese, whether you are Shia or not, that they are the protectors of Lebanon, not people who are doing things that bring war to Lebanon. And that means they begin to speak in a different way, they begin to legitimize themselves in a different way, and sort of focus more on making sure that Lebanese Shias are represented in the political system. Iran continued funding Hezbollah, and Nasrallah expanded social infrastructure nationwide, primarily in Shia areas. According to Lebanese journalist Kim Ghatas, it pushed the country's Shia Muslims into a more conservative direction. When Hezbollah decided to enter the political game, it wasn't to run the country. It was to basically use state institutions as a scene, as a stage, to promote the interest of the IRL. It is both a part of and a part from the Lebanese government. It's able to benefit from the legitimacy that being in government gives it, but it's not responsible for anything. When Hezbollah is called to task for carrying out illicit financial schemes through the Lebanese banking system that undermines the Lebanese financial system, when politicians don't get on board with what Hezbollah and its allies want, there are consequences. Hezbollah actually eliminates, literally, I mean, they kill them. They hunt them down to take over completely that cause of the quote-unquote resistance against Israel. On February 14, 2005, the former Lebanese Prime Minister, Rafiq Hariri, who was at odds with Hezbollah and its allies in Syria, was assassinated when a massive bomb went off as his motorcade drove through Beirut. A United Nations investigation followed that implicated Hezbollah members in plotting and carrying out the assassination. Analysts say this is deeply embarrassing for Hezbollah, which always portrays itself as on the people's side. And they go all in. Despite the fact that they understand that now they're no longer fighting Israel, they're no longer resisting against Israeli occupation, they are going into Syria to kill fellow Muslims. Even among devoted Hezbollah supporters, this caused a major rift. A lot of people who were unconditionally pro-Hezbollahs were like, you know, this is not our heroes. This is not the Hezbollah we know. Today, Lebanon is in a state of economic and social freefall. The country's banking system is almost in collapse. Unemployment is rampant and corruption is everywhere. The country is barely being held together. Since October 7, Hezbollah has exchanged rocket fire with Israel and has said they will continue until Israel announces a ceasefire in Gaza. Israel's recent attacks against Hezbollah have been the largest since 2006. This is not a question of who's taking dictates from the other. It's more a question of understanding how much they're on the same page. They want to destroy the state of Israel. And they want justice for Palestinians. And they want to deter American influence in the region. It grew out of this strong resistance ideology that existed in the Shiite community, but it also grew out of a strong sense of grievance, of social grievance, of grievance against colonialism and the long effects of colonialism in the region.
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