A Dictator, a Commune, and the U.S. Embassy: The Disappearance of Boris Weisfeiler
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When you're traveling abroad as a US citizen, you get familiar with the State Department, the government agency that handles passports, issues travel advisories, and operates United States embassies all over the world. It can be a slow-moving process filled with hoops and red tape, but if there's some kind of issue while traveling, the State Department can be a real saving grace.

Lose your passport, get into a car accident, need help communicating with foreign law enforcement officials. Their job is to help. But what happens when an American citizen gets into trouble abroad and the State Department can't step in or won't? Welcome to Conspiracy Theories, a Spotify podcast on Carter Roy. You can find us here every Wednesday.

Be sure to check us out on Instagram at The Conspiracy Pod. And we would love to hear from you. So if you're listening on the Spotify app, swipe up and give us your thoughts. Stay with us.

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When Boris Weisfiler calls his younger sister Olga in December 1984, he's excited. He's closing out another semester as a mathematician at Penn State, and the slight introverted professor is deeply looking forward to a break. He tells Olga that he's ready to get away from the cold winter weather. He has plans to go on a South American backpacking trip through the Chilean Andes Mountains, solo.

No travel partners. Olga is not a fan of her brother hiking alone, but at 43, Boris is an accomplished mountaineer who loves conquering remote locations. He's done treks in Canada, Peru, Nepal, and in his home country, the Soviet Union. He prefers exploring alone. Earlier in the year, he accepted an invitation to lecture at a conference in China.

He couldn't resist adding a backpacking excursion to the trip. He was assigned a guide. But Boris gave them the slip and disappeared into the wilderness. He emerged from his solo adventure a week later. So Olga knows better than to nag her brother. Once, she tried to caution him against the danger of wild animals. But Boris brushed her off. He said, quote, animals aren't dangerous. People are.

Boris flies out of New York City on December 24th, 1984, headed for Santiago, Chile. No one hears from him over the holidays, which makes perfect sense. Boris had planned to drop off the grid for a while. When classes resume at Penn State in January 1985, students gather in Boris's classrooms for his undergraduate algebra course and his graduate-level special topics seminar.

But Boris doesn't show up to either. His colleagues are concerned about his absence, but wonder if he's just been delayed a few days. International travel can be complicated. They sit tight, hoping he'll show up. But he doesn't. So sometime around January 19th, members of the math department contact the local police and the state department. Boris, their brilliant and beloved friend, is missing.

and no one has any idea how long he's been in trouble. American investigators retrace Boris' last known movements. They learn he arrived in Santiago on December 25th, 1984, and was granted a tourist visa upon landing. From Santiago, Boris got on a train headed south. He spent the night at a hotel in a small town.

From there, he got on a bus to an even smaller town called Antuco. And that's where he began his hike, heading northward through isolated, unforgiving terrain. But that's as far as American officials can investigate. They don't have jurisdiction in Chile and have to rely on local authorities to keep up the search. This creates a logistical nightmare. The chains of command are unclear.

Investigative processes and priorities are different. On the most basic level, communication is complicated by language barriers. So it makes sense when initial feedback from Chilean authorities is slow and inconsistent. The State Department hears a report that Boris' wallet has been found, but can't confirm that detail or anything further. Airline officials in Chile can't say for sure whether Boris' return plane ticket was used.

So, no one is even sure that Boris is still there. With each day that passes, Boris' colleagues grow more and more concerned. They don't know if Boris' family has even been contacted about his disappearance. So, they take it upon themselves to keep the pressure on the State Department, and even reach out to the Chilean Embassy on US soil, hoping they can push local authorities to keep searching for Boris.

Then, on January 28th, about 10 days after Boris was reported missing, there's finally a breakthrough. The U.S. Embassy in Chile reports that two witnesses saw Boris walking near a river on January 3rd and 5th, about a week after he started his hike. Later, a local found Boris's wet backpack beside that same river.

The river has a particularly strong current and the contents of the backpack were scattered along the riverbank, including Boris' tourist visa. But there was no sign of him anywhere. A newspaper in Santiago reports that local police searched the river for any further clues but came up empty. Their working theory is that Boris was murdered after a robbery

though they don't share any more details. Boris' colleagues have to keep waiting, but their hope is waning. Things stay quiet for several weeks. The wait becomes excruciating, and when there's finally news, it doesn't bring any relief. In March, the Chilean judge running the investigation announces they're closing the case. The conclusion?

Boris drowned trying to cross that river where his backpack surfaced. No body has been found. By now, Boris's family is fully up to speed. And eventually, Boris's sister Olga is beside herself. But not with grief. With rage. She doesn't believe a word the Chilean judge says. She knows her brother. He's a cautious and experienced hiker.

he would not have attempted to cross a river that was clearly dangerous. And the evidence begs a few questions. Like, why did Boris' backpack wash ashore, but not his body? And how did his belongings end up spread out all over the riverbank? The US officials agree with Olga. The circumstances are suspicious. But it's not just the evidence they question. It's the entire system that performed the investigation.

Throughout the 1970s, Augusto Pinochet takes control of Chile as a military junta leader and later installs himself as dictator in 1981. His authoritarian regime suppresses critics with torture or by simply disappearing them.

As you can imagine, at the time, the Chilean law enforcement system doesn't have a great reputation for justice and transparency. Even though Boris' case has been classified as solved by a Chilean judge, U.S. officials continue pressing for more information through diplomatic back channels. And in the summer of 1986, they go public with some of what they've learned. All signs point to the fact that Boris...

didn't drown. On January 3rd, a little over a week into Boris' hike, he met a shepherd named Jose Lopez Benavides. Jose offered to host Boris for the night. Boris accepted, grateful for a bed. He gave Jose some chocolate and fishing gear to show his gratitude. The next morning, Jose guided Boris over the raging nearby river on horseback

the same river where local police claimed Boris drowned. According to Jose, Boris got across the river safe and sound. Jose's account is supported by the fact that Boris' backpack and scattered belongings were found on the opposite side of the river from where he would have entered the water. If he made it across safely, why would he have dumped out his stuff and then gone back in the water? It doesn't make sense to American authorities.

As the U.S. Embassy learned, if Boris really needed to backtrack without Jose's help, there was a cable car nearby he could have taken back across. It was within walking distance from the spot where he allegedly drowned. So what else could have happened to Boris? Well, according to the Embassy's report, after Jose and Boris parted ways, Boris was spotted by another local, who happened to be Jose's brother Luis.

It seems like maybe Jose didn't tell his brother about the nice foreign hiker he helped cross the river. So from Luis's perspective, he looks up and sees a stranger walking in a remote area wearing olive green pants and heavy boots, an outfit that looks vaguely military. To him, it seems a little suspicious. So he files a report with the Chilean police who promptly mount a search.

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Boris Weisweiler disappeared while hiking in Chile in 1985. Although Chilean authorities concluded that Boris drowned, U.S. officials and Boris' family have serious doubts. When the U.S. Embassy looked more closely at the evidence in 1986, they learned that one local actually prevented Boris from drowning, and another, Luis Lopez, called the police on him.

Luis probably thought he was doing the right thing by reaching out to his local police department after he saw Boris hiking. The Chilean military had instructed all the locals in his village to report any outsiders. Remember, when Boris was in Chile, the country was under the control of a military dictator, Augusto Pinochet. His regime was on high alert for attacks from the revolutionary left movement.

a group of activists who disagreed with Pinochet's authoritarian rule. These opposition forces often snuck into Chile illegally from neighboring countries. Boris happened to be hiking near the Argentinian border. When the police heard Luis's report, they didn't waste any time chasing down a possible hostile extremist. Three officers saddled up their horses to search the mountainside for Boris.

they claim they never found him. U.S. embassy officials, Boris' family, and even the Chilean judge overseeing the investigation don't buy that story for a few reasons. It turns out that Boris' wet backpack was found a full 10 days before police reported it to the judge in charge of the investigation. It still had cash and a credit card inside.

The only notable item missing from the pack was Boris' passport. The initial theory Chilean police circulated was that Boris was robbed. But if that were true, why were Boris' valuables still inside? And why did they hold onto this crucial evidence for so long? U.S. Embassy officials never get to ask those questions. A few months after closing Boris' case,

The officers involved were transferred to new departments. By the time their investigation went public, those officers were nearly impossible to track down. To some, it looks a lot like Boris had a run-in with local authorities that went sideways, and now the Chilean government is trying to cover it up. But it gets worse. Much worse. There are basically two theories about what happened.

Both start with Chilean law enforcement misidentifying Boris as a foreign extremist and arresting him. See, Boris's missing passport would have identified the Soviet Union as his birthplace. Pinochet took control of Chile by ousting a socialist leader. His regime was extremely antagonistic to anyone with ties to socialism.

To be clear, Boris was an American citizen with no known connection to socialism, but a law enforcement officer taking orders from an oppressive dictator probably didn't need a lot of evidence to make an arrest. From there, it's possible that Chilean authorities interrogated Boris and murdered him on the spot.

Later on, they perhaps realized their mistake and tried to stage Boris' backpack on the riverbank to make it look like he drowned. The other theory is that arresting officers brought Boris somewhere else to question him. The most likely location would have been a place called Colonia Dignidad. In 1985,

Colonia Dignidad was a clandestine compound located not far from where Boris was last seen. In 1975, Amnesty International identified the site as the Chilean government's secret prison and torture center. If Chilean authorities arrested Boris, that might have been where he ended up.

The colony occupied about 53 square miles of Chilean countryside and was enclosed by a barbed wire fence totally insulated from the outside world. And it was run by a Nazi era German soldier and Nazi sympathizer named Paul Schaefer. Schaefer fled Germany in 1961 as a preacher who faced charges of child abuse.

His teachings were heavily influenced by William Branham, an American Christian evangelist with an especially patriarchal and apocalyptic message. Running from the law, he brought a handful of followers with him to Chile, a country where it seems he had friends in high places. He not only relocated, but created an entire society at Colonia Dignidad.

and did so on his own terms. Two years in, his followers numbered in the hundreds. Members didn't live in family units. They were separated by age and gender and then often subjected to heinous crimes. Children were tortured and sexually abused. By the mid-1980s, the place was operating with complete impunity.

which is probably what made the place so appealing to General Pinochet. The dictator wanted to conduct torture of his own and the insular colony made the perfect location. It was a mutually beneficial arrangement. In return for hosting the persecution of Pinochet's political prisoners, the colony was allowed to operate like its own mini sovereign nation. Naturally, the Chilean government was very protective of the colony

Amnesty International and a United Nations report accused Colonia Dignidad of human rights abuse in 1976. Chilean officials pushed back, insisting that the secretive compound only provided a home for Schaefer's utopian society. In 1987, when Boris' sister Olga hears about a possible connection between Colonia Dignidad and Boris' disappearance, she's devastated.

Their father was Jewish and fled Nazism at its peak. She presses the State Department to act. U.S. Embassy officials tell the media that they are dedicated to Boris' case, but they say they don't have the budget or authorization to investigate on their own. They've hired a Chilean lawyer as an advocate, but ultimately they're at the mercy of Chilean law enforcement. As months turn into years,

Olga feels that no one else shares her sense of urgency. She keeps in touch with the State Department, but communication is limited. She decides to emigrate to the U.S. around 1988, but there's little to no movement in his case. If anything, progress seems to go backwards. Olga hears that U.S. officials are starting to come around to the Chilean point of view, that Boris probably just drowned.

A tiny speck of light shines through in 1987. Olga gets word that an anonymous source going only by the name Daniel called into a Chilean radio show about Colonia Dignidad. Daniel says he witnessed Boris' arrest and delivery to the colony. He believes Boris was held there for some time before ultimately being executed.

It's terrible news, but Olga knows it's a lead that needs chasing. She reaches out to a Chilean attorney to see if this witness statement can be used to revive Boris' case. Years later, she finally has politics on her side. A coalition government took control of Chile several years earlier, and the country is in the process of examining the human rights abuses perpetrated during Pinochet's regime.

But it's still an incredibly tough road. It takes nearly three years to get Boris' case reopened in Chile. Then something momentous happens. In June of 2000, the Clinton administration declassifies hundreds of documents related to the United States' relationship with Chile. Turns out, the US government knows a lot more about Boris' fate.

The documents confirmed that Luis Lopez reported an extremist to police after he spotted Boris hiking in early 1985. U.S. authorities weren't able to speak with Luis directly, but other local informants speculated that police detained or even killed Boris. Embassy officials continued to pursue an interview with Luis Lopez until sometime in 1986 when they learned that Luis was dead.

He was found hanging from a bridge near where Boris disappeared. Chilean authorities ruled it a suicide, but internal embassy documents acknowledged how suspicious it was that he died while they were pushing for an interview. In the summer of 1987, an anonymous informant turned himself into the embassy's

He shared a story that directly contradicted the initial police reports and the conclusion of the Chilean investigation. According to the informant, he was part of a military patrol that arrested what they thought was a Russian spy, Boris. They brought him to Colonia Dignidad to interrogate him. And as of the summer of 1987, he was still there.

The embassy worked to confirm that story. Even though another informant claimed Chilean authorities executed Boris soon after arresting him, the embassy chose to lean into the possibility that Boris was still alive. That left them in a delicate position. They didn't want to abandon a US citizen being held illegally, but if their intel leaked back to the Chileans,

They were sure to kill Boris to keep the incident buried. A later memo from the State Department instructed the embassy to start talking with trusted senior Chilean officials. The memo referenced another piece of evidence that Boris was still alive, but it's not clear what that was. Then, there were several months of back-channeling. In January 1988,

embassy officials interviewed the three police officers who searched for Boris and they corroborated the first informant's story. Boris' arrest was a joint venture with the military. But the embassy wouldn't be able to speak with anyone in the armed forces without permission from the Chilean courts. Embassy officials put in a request with the higher-ups at the State Department for a lawyer to lobby the courts.

They waited eight months for Washington to finally grant permission, but not funds. Faced with finding money for a lawyer in their own budget, the embassy seemingly abandoned the project in early 1990. Olga is devastated to learn that Boris's chosen home country, her newly chosen home country, had an opportunity to rescue her brother

and let it slip through their fingers over money. Though the State Department disputes this position, they said they'd chased down every lead but still failed to round up enough evidence to bring to court, which would have been a more viable argument if the memos about budget limitations weren't also made public. To make matters worse,

The only bit of good news in the declassified documents, that Boris might still be alive, is soon decimated. They reference information given to them in 1987 by an informant, the same informant who made that call to a Chilean radio show in 1997. Daniel had told the embassy everything he knew ten years earlier, and it seems they didn't do anything with it. So he went public.

But by then, it was too late. According to Daniel, Boris was already dead. Daniel's statements in the declassified documents provide an even clearer and more horrific picture of Boris' final days, if true. Daniel said that after the professor survived for years as a captive in squalid conditions, he was murdered with a gunshot to the back of his head.

It wasn't the Chilean military that ordered the execution though. Supposedly, members of Colonia Dignidad pulled the trigger without clearance from Chilean authorities. Of all the versions, the most current evidence suggests that Boris lived out the worst one. He wasn't just murdered. He lived for years in hellish circumstances before being executed.

Did the US government know exactly where he was and leave him there to die? And for what reason? Because they couldn't find the funding? Well, as it turns out, the answer goes beyond just money.

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15 years after Boris Weisweiler disappeared in the remote Andes, declassified documents revealed something shocking.

United States authorities apparently had intelligence suggesting that Boris was illegally detained at Colonia Dignidad, a known site of torture and illegal captivity, but they failed to act on it. In 2000, Boris's sister Olga redoubles her efforts to accomplish what her government couldn't: find her brother. Olga knows that after 15 years, her brother is probably dead.

But she doesn't know for certain. The U.S. Embassy's informant, Daniel, wasn't a direct witness to Boris' torture or execution. There's a chance he could have gotten facts wrong and that maybe, somewhere, Boris is still alive. Olga travels to Chile to lobby government officials for their support. Over the next two decades, she makes it a point to visit the country at least once a year to stay current on Boris' investigation.

But progress is slow. Uncooperative witnesses in the military and at Colonia Dignidad, missing evidence and bureaucratic red tape make everything move at a snail's pace. As more years drag by, Olga stays focused on what she can control. She retraces the route Boris walked, takes in the sights that could have been among the last he saw as a free man. She even visits Colonia Dignidad,

which now operates as a German-inspired resort, but none of that offers the closure she needs. She keeps waiting. In 2012, there's finally news. Good news. A Chilean judge charges three police officers and four members of the military with aggravated kidnapping and complicity.

Finally, the men believed to be responsible for Boris' disappearance, and for covering it up, are in the hands of law enforcement. Olga is closer to real answers than ever before. But closure slips through her fingers again. Four years go by without a trial.

In 2016, the judge running the case is suddenly promoted. Then, on March 1st of that year, he begins presiding over the Santiago Court of Appeals. Three days later, without warning, he issues a ruling that closes Boris' case. The ruling states that Boris' abduction doesn't qualify as a human rights violation.

And therefore the crime is subject to the statute of limitations. After 30 plus years, when Olga is the closest to the truth she's ever been, everything gets thrown out on a technicality.

The ruling is met with frustration from all corners. The U.S. Embassy, the Human Rights Program at the Chilean Ministry of the Interior, the U.S. Ambassador to Chile, and many other reputable organizations all speak out against the abrupt closure of Boris' case. For Olga, whether or not Boris' suffering measures up to international standards of human rights violation is irrelevant.

She just wants to know what happened to her brother. She does what she's always done, keeps fighting. This time that means filing an appeal, and then another, and another. But according to a blog dedicated to Boris' disappearance, in 2023, the Chilean Supreme Court declines to hear arguments on a final appeal to reopen his case. As of now,

We can't find any information about appeals to international courts, but back in 2016, Olga vowed to bring the case that far if necessary. Olga is now about 80 years old. In her public advocacy, Olga consistently criticized the United States government for failing to provide Boris and her with their full support. There's a few reasons why this might have happened.

One is the entrenched bureaucratic protection of Colonia Dignidad. A 2002 New York Times article quoted a Chilean lawyer familiar with the situation. They believe the army continued protecting the colony for many years, even after they lost official control of Chile.

Amnesty International also blamed the delays and subterfuge that plagued Boris' case on Chilean loyalty to Colonia Dignidad. But what if inertia, and even deception, wasn't just on the Chilean side?

In 2002, using newly declassified documents, the New York Times examined the budget issues that allegedly stopped the U.S. Embassy in Chile from pursuing an independent investigation into Boris' case. They found that the embassy only needed about $3,000 to start their investigation. Although the higher-ups at the State Department said the embassy could use their own money on the investigation,

They knew the embassy would have a hard time coming up with the cash. Remember, Washington took eight months to respond to the embassy, ignoring several increasingly urgent follow-up requests. That delay ensured that the embassy budget was already set for the year, and it was extra tight. The entire State Department had a mandate to cut costs. But that's not all.

It seems like the State Department also chose not to respond to offers from independent groups like the American Mathematical Society to raise funds for an investigation themselves. The director of Chile Research at the National Security Archives, Peter Kornbluh, looked at all that evidence in 2002. He had to conclude that the U.S. was only willing to use diplomacy to track down Boris.

That strategy had proven ineffective. That's why the embassy asked for permission to go further. To Kornbluh, the State Department's response made no sense. Why wouldn't the United States want to protect one of its own citizens? Kornbluh went on to publish an entire book attempting to answer that question. Here's the gist of his theory: The United States intentionally created the conditions that led to a military coup in Chile.

The same coup that installed General Augusto Pinochet as dictator, and the White House understood as much. So, according to Kornbluh, that complicated the search for Boris. When he fell into the clutches of Pinochet's regime on his trip, loyalties in the State Department were divided. From all evidence available, it appears that leadership at the US Embassy in Chile was very much committed to finding Boris.

but they didn't know their superiors in the State Department were engaged in supporting the same forces that kidnapped him. In short, Kornbluh believes the United States was complicit in Boris's abduction, torture, captivity, and murder. Chile isn't the first country whose leadership was secretly manipulated by U.S. forces. At various points during the 20th century,

The United States interfered with the governments of Cuba, Iran, Guatemala, Congo, and South Vietnam. But Chile was a little different. First, the U.S. undoubtedly helped set the stage that allowed Pinochet to rise to power. But whether the CIA was directly involved in Pinochet's coup is still contested. And second, when Pinochet's atrocities later came to light,

U.S. legislators took steps to change foreign policy. The very first public Senate hearing on U.S. covert action was conducted on U.S. interference in Chile. Based on that, Congress went on to establish laws that required basic human rights standards to be met by any foreign nation receiving U.S. aid. Whether those policies have ended the U.S.'s attempts at taking covert political action in other countries

We can't say, but they did set a precedent of oversight and transparency in foreign affairs that previously didn't exist, which is important. After all, can real justice be served if the truth can so easily be swept under a rug? If the systems meant to serve us serve their own needs instead? If those we put in power can't be held accountable? As Boris said,

It's not the animals we should be worried about. It's the people. Thank you for listening to Conspiracy Theories, a Spotify podcast. We are here with a new episode every Wednesday. Be sure to check us out on Instagram at TheConspiracyPod. If you're listening on the Spotify app, swipe up and give us your thoughts or email us at conspiracystories at spotify.com.

amongst the many sources we used. We found reporting by the New York Times and Los Angeles Times extremely helpful to our research. Until next time, remember, the truth isn't always the best story, and the official story isn't always the truth. This episode was written and researched by Hannah McIntosh, edited by Connor Sampson and Mickey Taylor, fact-checked by Laurie Siegel, and sound designed by Kelly Geary.

Our head of programming is Julian Boisreau. Our head of production is Nick Johnson. And Spencer Howard is our post-production supervisor. I'm your host, Carter Roy.

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