11/20/24: Ryan Presses Israeli Journo On Endless War, The Real Reason Kamala Lost To Trump
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- Joining us now is Times of Israel journalist, Haviv Retiger. Haviv, thank you so much for joining us. - Thank you for having me. - And so the audience understands kind of where you are on the spectrum when it comes to Israeli politics. I had said at the top of the show that you were kind of a couple ticks to the right of Netanyahu, but correct me if I'm, where would you say that you are kind of politically, just so people have the proper context for evaluating? - I'm a journalist. I'm objective from Mars, obviously. - Same, same right here, yeah.

I am a big fan of some ideas on the left. I still think two-state solution is doable. I think, in fact, everything else that I've ever heard is less likely and less doable. And on a lot of social issues and cultural issues, I'm pretty liberal. Specifically on the question of Iran and on the question of Israeli capabilities and on the question of how this war has been handled, it is my view that the

The Biden administration's humanitarianism, constantly pressuring the Israelis to slow down, has hurt everybody.

mostly Palestinian civilians, definitely the hostages in the dungeons in Gaza, and Israeli soldiers have died because for periods of four months or more the Israeli army had to stop in Gaza because they couldn't go into Rafah, things like that. There is a way to prosecute this war and to do it slowly is the worst possible way. Israel has escalation dominance vis-à-vis Iran and the only way to avoid a destructive war in Lebanon, I argued 10 months ago, is to have an exchange with Iran.

So where does that put me? I'm very hawkish in that sense, but I don't think I'm actually on the right. Hmm.

Alright, let's go with that. So we put up this first element report over at Dropsite News, but there's been a lot of reporting in the Israeli press and elsewhere about the kind of rise of looting going on in Gaza at the hands of gangs. The

As we report over at Dropsite, the kind of Hamas-led security forces are now launching kind of a counterattack, ambushed a group of hijackers who are killing at least 20 of them, it appears, and

So the argument that's being made by, and you've seen the reporting in Haaretz, I'm curious if Times of Israel has done some reporting on this as well, but the argument that Hamas is also making is that ever since Israel took over Rafah, looting within that area has dramatically increased and that the IDF calls it the looting zone. The United Nations yesterday said that Kogat,

urged a last-minute shift in the route that these 109 aid trucks took, and it put them right into the sights of the hijackers. So there are a lot of suggestions, both in Israeli media and from Gazans, that there's some collaboration going on between Israel and these gangs. These well-organized gangs are now hijacking trucks. What's your understanding of what's going on there? Well, it's...

There's so much to unpack there. The United Nations lost something like 97 trucks. The United Nations out of a convoy of, I believe, 109. The United Nations cannot distribute aid in Gaza. There are 900 truckloads worth of aid sitting on the Gazan side of the Karim Shalom crossing that they simply can't distribute. Yeah.

When the UN is asked by journalists why, you know, what it would take for them to distribute, they say Israeli protection. And when they then say to them, well, why doesn't the Israeli army accompany the convoys? They then say, well, they can't accompany the convoys because that'll make the convoys a target of the other side.

There is no force, no criminal gang, no clan, no family, no these are all these terms used to describe a real social reality on the ground in Gaza. There is no force big enough to take 97 trucks out of the hands of the UN, except Hamas in the certain areas where the Israelis aren't operating.

So the very idea that 97 of these trucks are lost, the UN says something about it, doesn't say who it is, doesn't say who it suspects it is, doesn't say if these items have shown up on the black market in Gaza being sold by certain parties or other parties. It's all very, very strangely vague. And then there's this argument that, in fact, it's not Hamas.

It can't be anyone but Hamas. Hamas is still sufficiently strong in Gaza to not allow anyone else to come in. The irony is that a few months back, I think probably five months ago, something like that, the Israeli army tried to build out a separate aid distribution system working with these clans, which are just an important social structure in Gazan society that also sometimes built out organized crime syndicates.

And the two aid convoys that worked with the Israeli army publicly, this is known and this is something that nobody has hidden, were intercepted and massacred by Hamas forces. And so Israel hasn't actually trusted the clans to be capable of actually doing the distribution and holding their own in Gaza. There is no one in Gaza who could have taken those trucks except Hamas.

Therefore, my conclusion, I have not heard evidence. I've seen a lot of this desperate speculation, hoping to avoid the very idea that Hamas might be the bad guys in any scenario. But I haven't actually seen any evidence that suggests that anyone else even remotely has the capability.

And so falling back on these conspiracies of the Israelis, the Israelis would love the aid to get distributed in ways that totally bypass Hamas. It would get a lot of pressure off of them. And nobody quite knows how, because Hamas is sufficiently strong to continue disrupting the aid. Emily has a question, a segment, I'm just curious.

Yasser Abu Shabab is the leader of the hijacking group that Hamas claims to have sent its security forces to ambush and attack. He was killed in this attack. What's the theory for why the security forces launched this ambush of these hijackers if the hijackers were actually Hamas? That there's some chance that they were piecing together some kind of an organization that was capable of working with the Israelis or that they needed somebody to massacre to make this case.

So that's it's more likely it's more likely than that. Ninety seven trucks were taken by those 20 people. It's more likely than that. There is a clan nobody's ever heard of before.

You just mentioned something interesting in your answer about how Hamas is still, I think it's sufficiently strong. And I think that's a really important point. And I want to ask, I probably disagree with the argument, but is that part of, because I think there are some hawkish people who will say, you know, Hamas has been basically vanquished and destroyed. And that seems to me a dishonest argument. There has been a lot of

destruction, but Hamas has reconstituted itself in like northern Gaza, for example, and is still there. It's still, you know, in dealing with infrastructure and all of those, sort of a vacuum, obviously. So who else would fill it but Hamas? Is this part of your argument as to why the humanitarianism, as you put it, of the Biden administration is insufficient and has been cruel, as you put it earlier, to the people of the

Palestinians, the people of Gaza, because it sort of drags the conflict out longer than otherwise it could have been. Yeah, you know, the best way I think to think about this is to distinguish the Lebanon situation from the Gaza situation. In Lebanon, Israel's supreme interest is at some point pretty soon to end it. And the reason is that it achieved a tremendous amount in Lebanon in terms of weakening Hezbollah, shattering Hezbollah.

And at incredibly low cost. And as it sticks around and as it expands the war and as it maybe goes deeper and as Lebanon itself has no other, Israel will start paying higher costs and for much lower return. And so right now there is a real ceasefire negotiation process that the Israelis are interested in. Hezbollah took such a blow that Hezbollah is interested in.

Hezbollah's patrons in Iran feel like they're on their back feet and they're interested in. So there's a real likelihood and every one of the parties wants it, but they're trying to shape how it looks and how they define the story of it for a ceasefire.

The problem that Israel has in Gaza, the security problem Israel has in Gaza is very, very simple. There is no other rest of Gaza other than Hamas. In other words, in Lebanon, there's a lot of other factions and groups and political organizations and even kind of militias. And there's the Lebanese army, which has refused to engage the Israelis because they know Israel's at war with Hezbollah and not with Lebanon. All of that other rest of the polity that can step in to fill the vacuum doesn't exist in Gaza. There is only Hamas.

And Israel adopted a doctrine kind of learned from Afghanistan. The American mistake in Afghanistan, part of the American mistake was something called the clear and hold doctrine, which is that they cleared, you know, a valley. They took the valley, they cleared the valley, and then they held it with a Marine detachment or an army detachment so that the Taliban couldn't regroup there. What that ended up creating was many, many thousands of targets.

for the guerrillas all over Afghanistan. It ended up being a major source of pain and a major obstacle to America achieving its goals in Afghanistan. So Israel has something that, Israel has the opposite of that in Gaza.

Hamas is buried underground in 500 kilometers of tunnels. It spent 17 years building and it's the single biggest thing Palestinians have ever built. And Hamas bent Gaza's entire economy to building these tunnels. And in 13 months of war, not a single civilian has been documented being allowed into the tunnels for safety.

And so Israel's goal is to get Hamas out of those tunnels, to engage them and to destroy them. How do you do that? You take an area with Hamas and then you pull out and Hamas comes back and then you take that area again. And so literally everywhere in Gaza, you've seen three, four, five Israeli entries and each time an Israeli pullout to kind of reverse the clear and hold problem.

So right now what we're talking about is a Gaza in which Hamas has sections of its organization still underground, sections of its organization that come up and retake control. No one else who can fill that gap. There's no serious organization with guns and popular support of any kind, even in small areas of Gaza that can fill the gap. There is only Hamas.

I haven't described to you the solution. I've just described to you the problem that nobody has a solution for. Not Biden, not the left, not the right, not Netanyahu, not progressives in America. Nobody quite knows what takes over Gaza after Hamas. And let me just say one last sentence about that, because this is fundamental. If Hamas can't be removed from Gaza, nobody knows how to rebuild Gaza.

Nobody knows how to push the ceasefire forward. You can't dump $100 billion on Gaza and actually have it rebuilt if Hamas is the one passing out the money. So Gaza is a huge problem, and Hamas is the name of that problem, and

There's no perfect solution for it. What the Israelis are hoping for is a long degradation war. It's going to be two years, three years, and eventually Hamas will slowly be degraded enough that other solutions can come to play. So the United States eventually said, you know what, why don't we just withdraw from Afghanistan? Hamas is saying that if Israel withdraw from Gaza, they will release the hostages. Why not take that deal?

Why not take the deal that you end the war and release the hostages? Yeah. Samas has not ever said that. It said this, by the way, the week after October 7. I mean, it said it immediately. No, no, no, no war. We're fine. We're totally fine. Here's all your hostages back, but totally end to the war.

There are simply two points. First of all, that's not true. Hamas has always added massive other stipulations having to do with the West Bank, having to do with prisoners, including prisoners who are mass murderers in Israeli prisons. And by the thousands, there's never been a Hamas statement that it said, just let's end it. Just let's end the war.

Go back to October 6th, nothing happened. Well, they've said they would accept the framework that was put through by Netanyahu's war cabinet and then announced by Biden in July, right? Didn't they say they would accept that? It's an interesting thing. First of all, that's a very temporary, tiny little deal that leaves most of the hostages still in Hamas's hands. That's first of all. Second of all, and that they have occasionally leaked to the... Secondly, we don't actually know.

We know a lot of things the Qataris said they said. We know a lot of things the Egyptians claimed they might have said at some point, probably. We know all this stuff from sort of unsubstantiated leaks that actual officials won't confirm. There has never been. I'm a huge critic of Netanyahu. I think Netanyahu's fundamental strategy led to October 7. And I think he has led since October 7 fundamentally while politicking. He launched his political survival campaign on October 8th. And I feel betrayed by him as my prime minister.

But there has never been a Hamas deal for him to say no to.

On all the hostages, there's been a deal on 30 hostages in exchange for 42 days if you pull out of the Philadelphia corridor. Big, complicated question. Happy to get into it if that's interesting. But this idea that there's an end to the war and all the hostages come back, there has never from Hamas been a deal like that on the table. And even things that come even in the general ballpark of that have been Qatari statements that nobody has ever been able to confirm. When Hamas had a working, functioning leadership, namely Sinoir,

it would have been entirely possible to produce that Hamas statement. It no longer has that. Is Mohamed Seymour his brother, the guy in charge? Nobody quite knows. So there simply isn't such a deal on the table. And the idea that you would pull out and let Hamas come back in and just retake Gaza now, and by the way, have this war again in three years or five years, and never rebuild Gaza. I mean...

Truly, you can think the Israelis are monsters. It doesn't change the fundamental problem of Hamas. It really doesn't change it. So if you don't have a solution to how to install something after Hamas or how to remove Hamas sufficiently or degrade it sufficiently to put something else in, it doesn't really matter what the Israelis do. There is no day after until that can happen. It feels like the Israeli plan, and tell me if you think this is an accurate description of it, it feels like the Israeli plan at this point is...

These kind of ongoing, what you'd call occupation slash intervention in different areas, you know, go into particular areas, push the people out, leave there, people come back, go back in, combined with...

and maybe facilitating Gaza turn into a warring faction of clans against clans and gangs against gangs, which then a divided Gaza then is less of a threat to Israel and that you just...

live to fight another day endlessly, rather than kind of settle on a long-term solution of coexistence. Is that what you see actually happening? Put aside what people want, it just feels like that's where it's going. Yeah, I mean, you phrase that in a way that suggests this is the Israeli plan.

That might be kind of what everything defaults to because nobody... Because maybe we can make progress in thinking about it by setting aside what the "plan" is and just talking about what's actually going to happen. What is actually happening is that when you remove Hamas, half of the Gazan population is under 18.

And Hamas ran the schools for 17 years. The idea of removing Hamas from Gaza is a much deeper and more profound problem than the strict military problem, which Hamas built Gaza into a battlefield for a war in which it would be impossible to remove it, at a scale never before seen in the history of warfare. There's nothing like those tunnels. The Viet Cong built quite a few tunnels. I don't think it's 20% of what Hamas built in Gaza in a much smaller area.

And so Hamas produced a situation in which getting it out requires essentially this kind of war. I don't mean to suggest that every single Israeli airstrike is legitimate. I'm just saying there isn't fundamentally a different kind of war if you actually want to remove Hamas from Gaza. And Hamas made sure of it.

And then there's the deeper point, which is the educational religious sort of narrative point. Hamas tells Gazans that they are not suffering for nothing. They are suffering because they are the vanguard of a great Islamic restoration after centuries of weakness. And the great war against the Jews is that fundamental war for the restoration of all Islam.

to a lot of Gazans who hate Hamas, there's also a deep appreciation of that story of dignity. And so when you actually start to map out what it would mean to remove Hamas from Gaza, it turns out to be this immense military problem, an immense cultural problem, an immense religious problem, a problem that

Jews can't do. Jews are not going to go into Gaza and talk to Gazans about their religion. But that's also fundamental to removing Hamas from Gaza. And so there has to be in Gaza a much larger sense of the scale of the problem and of the desperate need for the problem.

If Hamas remains in Gaza, Gaza will remain destroyed no matter what Israel does. Truly. I mean, if the Israeli prime minister becomes the head of the most far-left progressive party in the Israeli Knesset, there is nothing you can do for Gaza as long as Hamas rules it.

And so how does that day after look? What is the role of the Arab states? What is the role of the Muslim world? What is the role of building out a Gaza that's different? Lebanon has a much better future ahead of it because even though it's been taken over by Hezbollah in the name of Iran, if Israel can sufficiently weaken Hezbollah, there is the rest of Lebanon that can come in and fill the gap.

Who is that in Gaza? How do you build that in Gaza? And that's, we're talking here about the best case scenario that everyone actually wants that. I hope everyone wants that. I hope it isn't just, you know, in the West moralizing and in the Muslim world just hating Jews. I hope it's actually about government.

And we can put together some kind of an international coalition that frankly moves in and massively seriously builds and de-radicalizes Gaza. And then there's a real powerful argument for the Israelis getting out as fast as possible. But until there's even that awareness...

You're just asking the Israelis to hand Gaza back to Hamas. And that's just something that the Israeli public won't allow to happen, never mind the politicians. Well, and Control Room, I'm about to queue up E3, which we can put up on the screen, and then E4. So Bernie Sanders and Ryan will probably have something to say about this as well. It's pushing to block U.S. arms sales to Israel. There's going to be a vote in the Senate on that.

today, right, Ryan? That's what Bernie is queuing up today. And on that note, I want to turn to this clip of Tulsi Gabbard on CBN, Christian Broadcast Network, talking about some of the ideological, deeper ideological questions that

we were just talking about here, let's roll this clip, it's E4. - You mentioned American taxpayer dollars. Is there a difference between funding Israel and funding Ukraine? Like, how do you see that exactly? I'm just curious about that. - Yes, there is a very real difference. - Because radical Islamic extremism is what Israel is on the front lines of every day. - There is a very real difference. And using, and there will always be with every unique challenge that we face and that unique decision that must be made, using those two examples

Are we better off increasing and escalating tensions and waging this proxy war against Russia, of which Ukraine has never had any shot at winning, when you look at what's happening in the war?

between Israel and Hamas, and it is a war between Israel and Hamas, a radical Islamist terrorist group. This is just the latest front of this war that's been waged for a very long time between these radical Islamist terrorist groups that have been waging it militarily and ideologically.

This is in our best interest, as well as all freedom-loving countries and civilization, to take on what is the greatest short- and long-term threat to freedom. He's afraid of being called an Islamophobe, and it's the same reason why he is not taking seriously the need to defeat Hamas

I think Gabbard obviously recently nominated to be Donald Trump's director of national intelligence. And the host asked her, Joe Biden just recently pausing weapon shipments to Israel. How do you see that? He's on the side of Hamas at this point. And obviously this comes, we're talking about this clip as Bernie Sanders is pushing to block U.S. arms sales to Israel. And so I guess my question is,

With this perspective that there's a deep ideological route to what we see in Gaza and sort of Hamas filling this leadership vacuum, infrastructure vacuum over and over again, is the response to that

further military action if, I mean, I understand obviously why that's an option, but is that ultimately, is it worth, is it continuously justified if the root problem is a deep ideological problem?

is a deep ideological commitment, conviction that is worsened by the military action in some ways. That's obviously arguable, but how do you see that sort of dynamic between one and the other? - Look, for the last 150 years, there's been a debate within Islam, and it's a big and profound and powerful debate that's shaped the Muslim world today, certainly the Sunni Arab world in which we are embedded.

And it's a debate about Muslim weakness, the sources of Muslim weakness and what we do about Muslim weakness.

And out of that debate grow some, you know, pietistic, peaceful movements and also jihadi movements. And out of that debate, you get the kind of ideological movements of Hamas. You also get in the Shia sphere, this Iranian regime, this ideology that says that Islam has been weak for a long time. And this is something that really becomes a problem Muslim theologians talk about because of Western imperialism of the 19th century. But this ideology then says, well, if Islam is to wake up, the first,

obstacle it has to overcome in order to show that it is returning into history as a powerful agent in history and therefore redeeming Islam and therefore redeeming ultimately the world is overcoming the Jews, is overcoming the smallest weakest thing that ever pushed Islam back.

The Iranian regime, this is my message to Bernie Sanders doesn't fit in a little quip. You know, it doesn't fit in a soundbite. We don't need American missiles in Gaza. That's not the kind of war Gaza is. The American arsenal, the American help is about Iran.

And if Bernie Sanders can't explain to us why Iran wants to destroy Israel in the first place, why does Iran care about Israel? Why is Iran spending a double digit percentage of its GDP so far with sanctions, with wars, with the billions it doesn't have invested in all these proxies, especially Hezbollah, the jewel in its crown?

Why is it trying to destroy Israel? It has no border with Israel, has no interest in Israel. And the answer is, it takes these ideas of Islamic restorationism and as the Jews being the first thing Islam has to overcome, absolutely seriously. And if we don't take it seriously, we're going to be surprised when they carry out on October 7. By the way, we know. We know because Hezbollah has announced.

And Hamas has talked about that Hezbollah was planning on October 7 that was much larger and are very angry at Sinoir for ruining the surprise, so to speak. So we face enemies who will come at us no matter what.

And if America chooses to then disarm us, the war is still going to come. It's just going to be worse because we're not going to have precise weapons. We're going to have blunt weapons we can build ourselves. That's my message there. You have to have that understanding of what the enemy actually wants when you're planning about when you're planning that to face them down, to have that conflict.

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I feel like the clash of civilizations stuff though is actually a cover for not talking about the conflict in simpler just territory or nationalistic terms. You can go back to the decline of the Ottoman Empire, but it's much simpler to explain the rise of Hamas by pointing to a couple of acute things. One being the inability of Arafat who recognized Israel

and, you know, like recognize the existence of the state of Israel and was engaged in, you know, long negotiations. And Hamas argued, you're being played by Israel here. Israel does not have, through the Oslo Accords or any other way, any serious commitment to actually reaching a two-state solution. And what they would point to is that immediately after Oslo, Sanyam, more settlements are built, more settlements are built, more

more settlements are built, you have elements of the, not including Netanyahu himself, saying that the existence of Hamas is extremely useful to the position of blocking a two-state solution.

And so I don't think you need the ideological stuff and the Ottoman Empire talk when you can actually say like, no, the idea here was that there's a faction within the Israeli political system that opposed the creation of a Palestinian state and had the power to put obstacles in the way of the creation of that state and is now since the election talking about simply annexing

the West Bank, you know, fully and even talking, you know, further about, you know, southern Lebanon being northern Israel and on and on. But so can't you talk, can't you consider this in a much more kind of a simple way than needing to go back to the clash of civilizations stuff? Not mutually exclusive. I didn't talk about clash of civilizations. I talked about

the single biggest theological discourse in the Muslim world in the last

a century and a half. I can give you specific names and specific theologians and organizations they founded that produced this and the politics they're born from. Hamas was founded in 1987. Hamas doesn't go back a century and a half, but it's born on the ideas of the Muslim Brotherhood. And it talks that way. If you go to its mosques, you will hear those speeches. That's the first thing. The second thing is, I'll tell you why what you call clash of civilizations, which is

It's such a Western discourse. That's not how Muslims think of it. It's not how Jews think of it. It's not how Middle Easterners think of it.

But the reason that these religious ideas matter is that in, I'll give you an example. You were talking about the Palestinian argument, and it's not an argument made by Hamas. It's an argument made by Palestinian diaspora elites who are trying to explain away everything that Hamas has done for 30 years to Westerners. But the argument that Israel never intended for Oslo to ever actually work out for the Palestinians. And Rabin is assassinated in 1995.

by an Israeli Jew opposed to the peace process.

And that actually puts the left, the left was about to lose that election because people were really afraid that Yasser Arafat, this arch terrorist who had hijacked airplanes and launched terror attacks and massacred kids, was now going to take over the West Bank. And Rabin's assassination increased the left's standing in the polls, and they were set to win the next election. And the next election, because the assassination comes in 96, and Hamas launches the

a series of suicide bombings in Jerusalem in the week leading up to the election that tilt the election by the narrowest margin in the history of an Israeli election, I think 30,000 votes, to Netanyahu. That's Netanyahu's first victory as a function of Hamas terror attacks. Barak comes back, the Labor Party comes back. He's already talking about a Palestinian state. He's at Camp David with Bill Clinton. They're negotiating shared sovereignty on the Temple Mount. There's a 95% of the West Bank kind of Palestinian state. And the

That's when 140 suicide bombings over the next three years of the Second Intifada begin. And not only Hamas, also- - Yeah, there's definitely a real symbiosis between the kind of Palestinian right and the Israeli right. - I want to suggest to you that the Israelis are not angels in this story. There are different camps. They fight constantly. And by the way, we don't have the kind of winner takes all election system that you have. You're gonna be a Republican for four years. Everything is gonna be Republican unless Congress switches halfway through.

In Israel, every government in the history of Israel, there's never been a majority party, has been a coalition. And therefore, the Israeli government always works across purposes because different ideological groups are... By the way, the Italian government, we're seeing this now if you're following Italian politics, the Polish government, and we see this in these kinds of parliamentary systems. We had a government, the last government that Netanyahu ousted, actually had the left-wing minister of housing and a... Excuse me, a right-wing minister of housing and a left-wing minister of transportation.

Which means that the right-wing minister of housing was encouraging the building of more settlement homes and the left-wing minister of transportation was refusing to pave roads to those settlement homes. The Israeli government is multiple forces operating in different directions. If the argument is if there's an Israeli right-winger in the room, then Israel doesn't mean it.

then you're missing the fact that there was a culture war, the defining political civil war of the 90s. And even after the 90s, the withdrawal from Gaza was also part of this in 2005, was about getting out and conquering

creating space for the Palestinians and separating and not having an occupation anymore. And it failed miserably in rivers of blood. And it failed miserably in rivers of blood because of these religious ideas on the other side. So at some point, you're going to have to deal with these religious ideas on the other side. On October 7, again, let's imagine the Israelis are the worst people in the world. On October 7, Hamas didn't just massacre Israelis. It had built these tunnels for 17 years.

And it had built them for one tactical purpose, so that anyone coming for Hamas has to cut through cities to do so. October 7 was two atrocities, not one. And the larger one wasn't committed against Israel, it was committed against Gaza. And it was Hamas' literal strategy. And so if you don't address why is Hamas willing to destroy Gaza, it's willing to destroy Gaza.

Because it thinks that so much more is at stake the redemption of Islam Well, if you don't address that if you don't deal with that, you're not gonna fix the problem. You're not gonna end the war Israeli commentators often say that the the Western progressives Don't take into account Palestinian agency it's not you know, they don't they don't give the Palestinians enough agency and and and judge them accordingly and

But what about Israeli government agency? It's true that Hamas set up an enormous number of, you know, a gigantic tunnel network and that destroying the entire tunnel network could require destroying all of Gaza and tens of thousands or hundreds of thousands of civilians along with it. What about Israeli agency? They didn't have to do that, right?

Yeah, you're asking me is this Israeli government or the last eight Israeli governments massively at fault for thinking that you could hand money over to Hamas, watch it build those tunnel systems? We reported on those tunnel systems for 10 years, that that was something you could just turn a blind eye to and sit around. Yeah, the Israeli crime, other than, you know, if you're running a country and you make a terrible strategic mistake at that scale, you're

As I was waiting to come on, I heard the commentary about the Iraq war and Trump talking about the, that's a, when you lead a country and you make a mistake at that scale, let's imagine it's in good faith. Let's imagine you believe what you were saying. You, you own it. You own that mistake. And this, this leadership owns that mistake and that most Israelis will tell you to the face and, and, and most Israelis still want it gone.

And I don't have – it doesn't cost me anything to give that to you. I scream it in Hebrew. But the fundamental mistake they made was not believing Hamas. And the great tragedy for Gaza is that the Israelis absolutely believe Hamas now. And so when Hamas says we're going to destroy all of you and there will be more October 7th, which it still says, the Israelis believe it. And that is –

a disaster for Gaza and has to end or Gaza can't be rebuilt. One question I've been really curious of from the Israeli perspective, and I know you've got to run pretty soon, we can put up E6 here. This is just one example. A reporter who does work for us and some other publications last night posted on Twitter

what was becoming his nightly routine. So he's saying that in an apartment right next to him... In Gaza. Yeah, in Gaza, in Derry Bala, there's a baby that the mother... He hears the mother saying to the baby, I'm going to get you food. I'm going to get you fed tomorrow, I promise. And by the end of the night, there's still no food. And I don't know if people can even hear this, but he just took a little recording of what he hears constantly, and it's this...

It's a baby who's just hungry and tired, but can't get fed and can't get the sleep that the baby needs. And I'm curious from the Israeli perspective, does any of this penetrate? We're talking about two million human beings who are living through some of the most abject torture imaginable. And people who have absolutely nothing to do with October 7th.

Is any of this breaking through at all? Do Israelis know that the Palestinian civilians are suffering? Do they know and how do they think about that? And how do they think about their role in that? Yeah, that's a critical question. Many things are true all at once. There is a very clear knowledge that there is tremendous civilian suffering. Absolutely crystal clear. That's not something anybody's confused about.

There is an absolute belief among Israelis that the world's moral emotions about this are not fake so much as fundamentally driven by bigotry against us.

And the reason we think that is that it's worse in Sudan right at this minute, and none of you know, and none of you care. And that's something you hear from a majority of Israeli Jews, certainly, and also I think quite a few Israeli Arabs, though probably not a majority. There's a sense that some of the discourse around Palestinian suffering has simply been untrue. There's been too much talk of starvation when there hasn't been actual starvation.

And that doesn't mean they're not suffering disastrously. Families are literally for 13 months now moving between tent encampments in order to avoid airstrikes. There are no summer camps. There's nothing for kids to do. There's no schools. There's no... This is suffering at a serious and dramatic scale.

But the invention around it of some kind of systemic system of atrocities that is purposeful and is not true and is meant to satisfy and to catalyze a kind of moral religious feeling that simply has nothing to do with the reality and has a lot more to do with Israel than with the suffering of the civilians because, again,

It's not the whataboutist argument. It's the simple, it's the selective outrage argument. You can't only think that way and only about these things. So first of all, they are suffering. They're suffering disastrously. And so I want to say they're not suffering as much as you think, but I don't want that to mean they're not, they're suffering at eight.

I'm just arguing they're not suffering at 13, which is just simply not happening. They're not dying en masse. There isn't mass starvation. There are major problems in some places, and those problems are a huge problem. I have been very – I needed to say that before saying I've been very critical of the Israeli government. I, by the way, think that there's such easy ways –

easy, complicated, difficult, painful ways, but we could solve a lot of these problems. For example, if we have to move them out of harm's way, we can move them into Israeli territory. There's a great fear in the Arab world that if you push them out of Gaza, it's the next Nakba, it's the next displacement. So just push them into the Negev. And then, right, what are they arguing? That we're moving them into Israel and not to? There are solutions. There are Israeli Arabs who

who volunteered for the war effort after October 7. Hamas kidnapped and killed 50 Israeli Arabs. A Muslim girl, 18 years old, Aisha, who is, we still don't know where she is and what's going on with her. There was a coming together of Jews and Arabs. And Arab Israelis are Palestinian. They also, their identity is this complicated intermingling of identities, but they include a layer that is absolutely Palestinian. And what if they ran some of that?

Some of that humanitarian aid on the Israeli side of a border, four people displaced. And once you move them in, you can also check them and you can pull them out. There are so many ways to solve it. This is a government that in many, many ways has been incompetent. I'll give you just a tiniest example. Soldiers, veterans of the war, after 150 days, they missed a school year. An entire college year they just missed because they were off fighting a war. They come back and discover that they have back problems.

debt on the tuition payments for their dorms, and something the government was supposed to pay for but never did. This is a government that has proven incompetent for Israeli civil society. 60,000 Israelis fled the north, the bombardments of Hezbollah in the north over 13 months that shattered and destroyed cities. Like 12 kibbutzim and a third of two cities are literally demolished to the point where they have to be destroyed before being rebuilt.

And this government hasn't properly followed these people and provided them education for their kids and social support. We are facing a government that a lot of what you're seeing in Gaza, a lot of the reasons they haven't filled in with easy solutions, you know, I don't mean to excuse it. This doesn't excuse it. It's just a different kind of a crime, is incompetence, is just incapacity. So there are so many ways to deal with this better that I desperately wish Israel was dealing with it better.

At the same time, I share the general Israeli view that I don't entirely trust the world's moral emotions because give us a better way to fight this war. The following ad is sponsored by Pets Best Insurance Services. Your pet is your bestie, your therapist, your preferred match. It's easy to love them even when they sneak your snacks. It's easy to protect them, too, with pet insurance coverage from Pets Best.

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I'm sure you saw these comments from the Jordanian foreign minister where he said, "Look, create a Palestinian state. Every single Arab nation will recognize Israel tomorrow and we will coexist peacefully. Just create a Palestinian state." And so you're saying, "Give us a way to fight the war differently." It feels like Israel feels like its only way to survive is to fight forever.

That it is in a dangerous neighborhood of people who want it gone, driven by bigotry. Until the ideologies were good. They want them gone. Driven into the sea. And so they have to fight forever. Despite countries like the UAE, Saudi Arabia, Jordan, on and on saying, create a Palestinian state. We're done with this. We want to move on with this. We will recognize Israel.

But why this clinging to the belief that war is the only path forward? And can war, sustainable, endless war, really be the basis for a safe and secure livelihood in a country that wants to be kind of Western? You want to have cafes and startups and clubs? And doing that under a constant war feels kind of unsustainable.

We, I feel like we're on different sides of some of these divides and that's producing very, very good questions. So thank you for that really fundamental question.

I don't mean that sarcastically. I mean it absolutely seriously. The simple point on the West Bank, the Israeli political left hasn't won an election since the second intifada, since 140 suicide bombings ended the Oslo peace process. And it hasn't really been able to tell Israelis a new story.

And what you're asking, what the Jordanian foreign minister wishes, was that the Israeli public, public debate, had another story. The Israelis currently believe that if we pull out of the West Bank, it'll go the way Gaza went. Five years before pulling out of Gaza, we pulled out of South Lebanon after 18 years. That was basically our Afghanistan. We moved in to take care of terrorists, and then we ended up getting stuck for 18 years and bogged down and pulled out badly, and the bad guys took over when we left.

That has turned into a disaster for us. Every single unilateral withdrawal turned into a disaster and the attempt at a multilateral or bilateral peace ended in the second Intifada with 140 suicide bombings. So the Israeli public, and I mean left voting Israeli public that to this day wants a Palestinian state,

genuinely believes that if we pull out of the West Bank for a Palestinian state, it'll end disastrously in rivers of blood and we're going to have to retake it. The West Bank is the highlands that overlook all of our major cities. The West Bank shrinks us down to nine miles wide in the middle. You know, people hear about this place so much. I don't know if they understand just how tiny this little land in which Israelis and Palestinians live actually is.

And so it feels existential, the question of pulling out of the West Bank. And again, to left-wingers who want a Palestinian state, to right-wingers, there's even more so. And so the question of just found a Palestinian state in Gaza, sure, why not? It's easy. If there wasn't a Hamas there, it would have happened and it would never have not happened.

In the West Bank, it's a whole different question. I still think a two-state peace is possible, ironically, if we do something that the Jordanian foreign minister mortally opposes and absolutely hates, which is a kind of confederation between that state of Palestine and Jordan. What if...

Three quarters of the West Bank. The Israelis can't be in the valley nine miles wide, so we push in a quarter of the West Bank. That's roughly what's going on in the Golan Heights. Israel doesn't control the Golan. It controls about a third of the Golan to push back in 67 the Syrian artillery out of range of the towns in the valley that they were shelling freely throughout the 50s and 60s. So what if the Israelis push up the mountain range? They actually hold the high ground with the Palestinian army.

state but then two you know three quarters of the west bank plus gaza all within a jordanian confederation that leaves the palestinian jordanian border wide open they have an international border the jordanians are now the custodians of the holy site in jerusalem that they actually care about alexa very little would have to change there'd be a palestine wouldn't be this tiny little fractured state surrounded on all sides by this massively powerful israel

as soon as you start seriously thinking about solutions, as soon as you've solved the ideology problem that you don't want to deal with, and I understand why you don't want to deal with, it does sound like an Israeli escape hatch. Forget for a second the Israeli escape hatch. It might actually be the obstacle to everything. You might be able to yourself become prime minister of Israel. This will still stand in your way. And it will stand in your way if the Israelis are evil. This still stands in the way. And so if we can solve the fundamental ideological problem, it's

unbelievably easy to imagine actual political solutions on the ground that solve everybody's security problems, policy problems. We spent 30 years trying to finagle our, you know, trying to sort of wind our way through the technicalities of the policy problems because that's how diplomats think.

And we never figured out reconciliation and we never figured out narratives that actually allow the other side to come in. You want to know the big problem of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict? There are wonderful polls of Israelis and Palestinians. We're some of the best polled people in the world. And there was a poll about six weeks ago that polled both Israelis and Palestinians with an Israeli firm and a Palestinian firm. And they asked the same question. Do you think the other side wants to exterminate us?

And both sides responded 90% yes. I mean, literally one side was 89, the other side was 92. Both sides think the other side simply wants to destroy them. That's the problem. And that's what makes solutions impossible. First has to come the reconciliation. Then the political solutions are easy. As for fighting forever, look, we're speaking English. Every conversation in English about Israel is mediated through the sense that Jews are kind of like American Jews.

We're not American Jews. I went to high school in Wisconsin. I apologize for the accent. I was born in Tucson. Hey, we can bond over that. Finally, Glendale, Wisconsin. Oh, nice. All right. We're not American Jews. We are not people who have discovered over the last 120 years the promise of liberalism coming true.

We're the other half of the Jews. We're the actual survivors of the Holocaust. We're the actual survivors of 1300 pogroms. We are the millions. We are the quarter million Jews stuck in DP camps three years after liberation. America liberated Dachau and Buchenwald in 1945. There's still Jews living there that nobody will take in anywhere on earth, including the United States in 1948. They only start emptying out.

in '48, in May 1948, and those DPs are a quarter of the IDF in the '48 war. We're the Jews who had nowhere else to go in the world. And we are the Jews for whom the experience of living on our sword, your question to me is, can you fight forever?

The UAE wants to not fight. That's wonderful. By the way, we've never fought with the UAE. There's never been a war. The Saudis, wonderful. I'm a big fan of peace and normalization with everybody. But they want it, and therefore it's possible. Iran wants us destroyed. We are the Jews who came out of a history of the 20th century in which the moment we stopped dying was when we could fight for ourselves.

to the Israeli experience. Everybody's living grandparents come from Iraq and Tunisia and Poland and Germany and Yemen. We are the Jews for whom the privilege of fighting for ourselves, of being able to fight for ourselves, is what redemption feels like.

And so it's a great question from a Western perspective. Can't we end the war? That's not an option open to us. No Jew can live in Iraq. No Jew can live in Yemen. We are surrounded by societies with an ideological commitment to our destruction. I wish we weren't, but if they say it out loud, then if it affects their policy, and if Yemen is at war with Israel, really because of Palestinian rights?

Everything you know about the Houthis and the terrible civil war in Yemen and the 85,000 children starved to death, you think it's about their rights? Well, I mean, reach a ceasefire in Gaza and see if the Houthis lift the blockade, right? But it's about saving Hamas. It's not about Palestinian rights. It's about the ultimate destruction of Israel, and they'll be there at Hamas' side in the next war, too.

And so we have to, we are willing to fight because we don't have another option. If the other side gives us another option, I promise you, this incompetent government being what it is and despite what you might hear,

We'll take that other option. Well, I do think that was clarifying and I appreciate you coming on. Havig Rettiger, prominent Israeli journalist over at the Times of Israel. Love to have you back. We didn't get to get into the kind of politics of Netanyahu and Chinbet and all that. It's fascinating and kind of broiling Israel. You'll like what I have to say about that a lot more, I promise. We'll do it again. We'll get you back after Thanksgiving. We'll be a good Friday show, actually.

Excellent. Thanks so much. Thank you. Thank you.

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Ryan, I'm really excited about this monologue that you've written. What have you got for us? All right, so yesterday Crystal talked about the way that revulsion at the ongoing slaughter in Gaza may have played a role in shaping how and whether people voted for Kamala Harris. As she described it, for many people, it is not exactly a straight line from, I oppose this genocide to, I'm not voting for Kamala. But I think she's right in saying that it effectively colors the way you see the other arguments made on Kamala's behalf through a different prism.

You need the moral high ground if you're going to run a campaign based around democracy and morality, and it's reasonable for people to conclude that killing tens of thousands of women and children means you've ceded a bit of that moral high ground. I think her point is a correct one, and you can actually take it even further, which I do in a new piece over at Dropsite News.

I'll put a link in the description. And here's a reminder to sign up for our newsletter at DropSiteNews.com. Now, in her monologue, which I'll also link down in the description, Crystal accurately noted that very few voters say they made their decisions based on foreign policy, something like 4% or so.

But to many voters, the time, energy, and money that politicians spend on foreign wars stands in as a proxy for their lack of concern for people here at home. At the same time, the four years of the Biden administration saw a disconcerting outbreak of violence around the world.

Trump himself is a mercurial and unpredictable figure, whereas Biden is even keeled, at least in public. Yet Biden's four years were a bumpy ride of chaos, fueled significantly by the wars in Ukraine and the Middle East. Sharing the campaign stage down the stretch with Liz Cheney was a signal to voters that Democrats felt the cost of those wars was worth it, and that we'd get more of the same in a Harris administration.

In the post-mortem so far, the Democratic Party's embrace of a more, quote, muscular foreign policy, as they like to call it, has almost entirely escaped notice. But it didn't escape the eye of voters. In mid-October, as Kamala Harris began to do interviews with friendly audiences, she visited the breakfast studio of radio host Charlemagne Tha God.

where she took questions from callers. The first to come through was one of those questions that is often top of mind for voters, but dismissed in Washington as a naive misunderstanding of how the world truly works. Go to the talkback feature. My question for Kamala is why are

are we and I say we because my tax dollars is sending the money why are we sending money to other countries when we desperately need it in our own country for homeless housing resources for whatever that is my determining factor if I vote for Kamala or not

That's one of the reasons the America first rhetoric resonates because nobody in America would complain about where money was going if American citizens' everyday needs were being met. So what do you say to that? We can do it all and we do. So first of all,

I maintain very strongly America should never pull ourselves away from our responsibility as a world leader. So interestingly, this was all a callback to the debate in Washington the last time a Democratic president had pushed through a sweeping new social spending agenda, LBJ's Great Society, but coupled it with ramped up spending on the Vietnam War.

At a press conference in the summer of 1965, one reporter told President Lyndon Johnson the day after a bombing of North Vietnam, quote, Mr. President, from what you have outlined as your program for now, it would seem that you feel that we can have guns and butter for the foreseeable future. Do you have any idea right now, though, that down the road, a piece of the American people may have to face the problem of guns or butter?

LBJ said that the American people would be willing to bear the burden. He said, "I have not the slightest doubt, but whatever it is necessary to face, the American people will face," he responded. Now, he was wrong, of course, and the runaway inflation produced by the war spending broke the back of the New Deal coalition, shattering organized labor and ushering in neoliberalism and the Reagan Revolution.

But according to Harris, not only could the American people have both guns and butter, they already had it. And it's good. Democrats, as they hunt for the culprit that cost them the election, are getting some of it right.

Dramatically expanding the social safety net at the beginning of Biden's term, letting people know that a better world actually is possible, and then letting it all lapse as prices stayed high, turned out to be a political handicap. Then, instead of attacking the price hikes as the rotten fruit of greedy CEOs with too much economic and political power, the White House shot down the entire notion of greedflation.

which has since confirmed as a driving factor in those price increases. And instead, they outsourced the fight against inflation to a Republican Fed chair who jacked up rates and with it the cost of mortgages and rent. Also, even James Carville says that maybe Bernie Sanders had a point. I think Senator Sanders has some of a point here. And that is, there were things we could have run on harder than...

that have effective minimum wage. It passes everywhere by 70%. I mean, I know that President Biden was far right and Harris was far right, but we didn't put it front and center. Democrats are also blaming wokeness, whether it's trans girls playing girls' sports or the word Latinx, or generally the rise of a more dogmatic approach to identity politics that became popular on the left over the past decade.

Now, I don't think they're actually wrong to examine that dogmatism. And I wrote a widely read piece in 2022 on how the phenomenon was destroying progressive institutions while a culture of fear and silence reigned. But it misses a key factor.

In order to fend off the rise of economic populism in the form of Bernie Sanders in 2016, it was those same party leaders themselves who turned to identity politics, portraying themselves as the true champions of progressive values and deriding Sanders as a single issue candidate. That issue being the economy. Here's Hillary Clinton going after Bernie Sanders. Everything is about an economic theory.

Right? If we broke up the big banks tomorrow, and I will, if they deserve it, if they pose any systemic risk, I will. Would that end racism? Would that end sexism? Would that end discrimination against the LGBT community? Now, suffice to say, we did not break up the big banks and we did not end racism. Now, my book, The Squad, goes over this chapter in painful detail, so I won't belabor it here.

But now that Democrats have lost again, it's the very same identity politics they are blaming. It's an impressive two-step. In 2016, cynical wokeness was wielded to fend off a challenge to corporate power. Now wokeness is being thrown overboard to save the Democratic Party elite from a deeper critique of their failure.

But there's a more fundamental issue Democrats are ignoring, the one brought up by the first caller to Charlemagne. By continuing to think of American foreign policy and American domestic policy as distinct, the former the purview of experts in Washington and the latter the concern of regular people,

Rather than thinking of those things in tension, Democrats are missing the way that their shift into a more war-happy party is alienating them from voters and fueling the perception that they have no intention of addressing people's needs.

It's apparently easy to forget that the working class drift away from Democrats that was underway in the 1980s and 1990s was reversed in 2008 by Barack Obama, who ran as an anti-war candidate against a party shredded by its spearheading of the disastrous invasion of Iraq.

Eight years later, Trump bested Bush's brother and every other Republican contender this way. - On Monday, George W. Bush will campaign in South Carolina for his brother. As you said tonight, and you've often said, the Iraq war and your opposition to it was a sign of your good judgment. In 2008, in an interview with Wolf Blitzer talking about President George W. Bush's conduct of the war, you said you were surprised that Democratic leader Nancy Pelosi didn't try to impeach him. You said, quote, "Which personally I think would have been a wonderful thing,

When you were asked what you meant by that, you said, for the war. For the war. He lied. He got us into the war with lies. Do you still believe President Bush should have been impeached? First of all, I have to say, as a businessman, I get along with everybody. I have business all over the world. I know so many of the people in the audience. And by the way, I'm a self-funder. I don't have. I have my wife and I have my son. That's all I have. I don't have this. So let me just tell you.

I get along with everybody, which is my obligation to my company, to myself, etc. Obviously, the war in Iraq was a big, fat mistake. All right? Now, you can take it any way you want. And it took Jeb Bush, if you remember, at the beginning of his announcement, when he announced the president, it took him five days. He went back. It was a mistake. It wasn't a mistake. It took him five days.

before his people told him what to say and he ultimately said it was a mistake. The war in Iraq, we spent two trillion dollars, thousands of lives, we don't even have it. Iran is taking over Iraq with the second largest oil reserves in the world. Obviously it was a mistake. So George Bush made a mistake. We can make mistakes, but that one was a beauty. And he also beat Hillary Clinton by portraying himself

in the same way as having opposed Bush's war. Mr. Trump, a lot of these are judgment questions. You had supported the war in Iraq before the invasion. What makes your judgment— I did not support the war in Iraq. That is a mainstream media nonsense put out by her. Now, when liberals see America first, they read it as xenophobic and anti-immigrant. But Trump's supporters scan it as a promise not to waste money on wars and nation-building while our own country crumbles.

But the critique in that slogan and expressed by that Charlemagne caller makes an emotional link between issues that are treated as disparate and distinct by political operatives.

The jarring price swings at the grocery store and at the pump, combined with the out-of-control wars and the surge of migrants at the border, combined to produce a visceral sense that our leaders in Washington were sacrificing the needs of regular people here in the United States. People's sense that the economy was being handled poorly by Biden was colored by the chaos overseas. And his rapt attention to Ukraine and Israel left little room for confidence that he cared what was going on back here.

By pretending that the U.S. could do it all, but then only delivering on the foreign wars, Democrats set up ordinary people to view it as a zero-sum competition.

When Harris says, quote, we can do it all and we do, she is offering a version of conventional wisdom in Washington, which loves to point out whenever people raise complaints like this, that wars are paid for out of different accounts than schools or that much of what we're sending to Ukraine is in the form of weapons, not cash, which means we then get to make new weapons and everybody gets even richer. But even if that's true, most people don't consider themselves inside the we that's benefiting from all that.

We just see money going towards war and our bills getting harder to pay. Think about how the overseas conflicts and the chaotic economy interacted with each other over the last four years. Now, one of Biden's most courageous moves, in my opinion, as president,

was going through with the withdrawal from Afghanistan in the face of fierce military and media opposition. It wound up costing him badly. 13 U.S. service members were killed amid the retreat, and the airwaves were filled with the images of Afghans fatally swarming American cargo planes. It was chaos.

And Biden never recovered from that. Now, that chaos, which played on repeat, hit just as prices were rising and the COVID-19 pandemic was easing. People were tentatively emerging from lockdown and crime surged, which in many people's minds merged with and was blamed on the George Floyd protests from the year before, many of which had turned into riots. Now, kids who'd spent more than a year out of school never recovered.

Then in February 2022, Russia invaded Ukraine. Biden assiduously resisted a negotiated end to the conflict. In June, the conservative justices on the Supreme Court undid generations of precedent and overturned Roe v. Wade. The war in Ukraine raged on as the body count piled up and the U.S. shoveled ever greater sums of money into the trenches. Wheat and energy prices fluctuated wildly.

Prices eventually began rising at a slightly lower rate, but they rose nevertheless, and the response of the Fed to continuously raise interest rates and keep them high arguably contributed to the problem, raising the price of mortgages and rent. The migration surge at the border became too great to ignore.

That too had a foreign policy link. US foreign policy in general has produced an unstable hemisphere with heavy out migration flows to the United States. During his time in office, Biden tightened sanctions and penalties on Cuba and Venezuela and intervened to fuel chaos in Haiti. The three countries combined sent the bulk of migrants at key moments. Then came October 7th and the horrifying images it produced.

weeks of a relentless and indiscriminate Israeli response turned into months. Biden and his administration took a public posture that the U.S. wanted a ceasefire, yet the attack only ratcheted up as the death count reached shocking numbers and U.S. weapons and financing went up with it. Biden's stated goal was to contain the conflict, unquote.

but it periodically broke out into regional war. Shipping was effectively halted, and in October, Netanyahu, with the aim of defeating Biden, launched assaults on Lebanon and Iran, which launched their own assaults in retaliation. And the Ukraine war, with its ever-present threat of nuclear catastrophe, grinds on. Does that sound like we can do it all?

So I think if Emily as you think back over the last four years you can imagine why? When confronted with Trump versus the status quo for like well I what I liked about Trump was that wages were growing up prices were pretty flat and We weren't we didn't have a whole bunch of wars going on what I didn't like about Trump was that he's an unpredictable madman kind of a lunatic personally and

But if your alternative is all of these wars breaking out around the world and no certainty about prices and the economy here at home. Immigration. And immigration, then you're like, you know what, I'll take that.

In hindsight. So I think the good news for Democrats is that if they want to make a comeback, just stop doing all the wars. That's a big step in the right direction. And I mean, even just changing, like I wouldn't, I hope they don't do this because I think it's cynical, but it's so telling that they don't even frame the wars in a way that is reasonable.

pitch to the American people outside of Washington and New York. I think Joe Rogan recently was replaying this clip of Tucker Carlson confronting Mike Pence when Pence was running for president in the primary about how he sees all of this decay in America and wants to keep sending weapons and resources to Ukraine that could be spent on Americans and Pence says

almost exactly what you said at the last part there. Of course, the opposite. He says, we can do it both. Anyone who tells you we can't do it both, we can't be the policemen of the world and take care of our own people has a very small-minded vision of the United States. But it's

it's not a small-minded vision of the United States. It's exactly what's happening. And Democrats are incapable of responding to what Trump taps into, which is telling people exactly that, saying we are not doing it both right now. We cannot have it all right now until we start cracking down on this adventurism abroad and until we start treating immigration like it does have

economic implications for people we can debate what they are. But Democrats don't even talk about it. Don't even talk about it in economic framing unless it's to say it's making us all better.

All right, well, that'll do it for us today. That was so interesting. Enjoy your Thanksgiving. Thank you. I'm glad you liked it. And you'll be in Vermont for Thanksgiving. I think we're going to go to Vermont for Thanksgiving. Maybe do a little skiing if it snows, hopefully. Whoa, all right. That'll be a lot of fun. I'll be back here with Crystal Stoggers, headed off to Japan on his honeymoon. So Crystal and I will be holding on to four-week girl shows tomorrow, Monday, and Tuesday. Wonderful. All right, see you guys soon.

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Had enough of this country? Ever dreamt about starting your own? I planted the flag. This is mine. I own this. It's surprisingly easy. 55 gallons of water, 500 pounds of concrete. Or maybe not. No country willingly gives up their territory. Oh my God. What is that? Bullets. Listen to Escape from Zakistan. That's Escape from Z-A-Q-istan on the iHeartRadio app, Apple Podcasts, or wherever you get your podcasts.