The Republican Party has become more unified under Trump, eliminating a faction that could have constrained his anti-democratic actions. This makes the threat to democracy greater than before.
Voters should not be expected to defend democracy based on abstract principles; it is the responsibility of elites and institutions to protect democracy.
Voters were dissatisfied with the status quo due to issues like COVID and inflation, leading them to vote for the incumbent out of power, which is a normal function of democracy.
Reforms include automatic voter registration, eliminating gerrymandering, abolishing the Senate filibuster, term limits on the Supreme Court, and replacing the Electoral College with a direct popular vote.
Trump is likely to weaken the civil service, pack key state agencies with loyalists, and use government agencies as weapons against his rivals, potentially without needing much Republican cooperation.
Dangerous indicators include the use of government agencies to change the behavior of societal actors like media, business, and universities, and potential exemplary punishments of key figures to send a message to others.
While democracy is challenged, it remains the only system that allows for the peaceful removal of bad leaders and protects civil liberties and freedoms, making it superior to authoritarian systems.
Democracy can be saved if voters demand changes to the political system, leading to reforms that make institutions more responsive to popular majorities and protect democratic principles.
American voters have elected a President with broadly, overtly authoritarian aims. It’s hardly the first time that the democratic process has brought an anti-democratic leader to power. The political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt, who both teach at Harvard, assert that we shouldn’t be shocked by the Presidential result. “It's not up to voters to defend a democracy,” Levitsky says. “That’s asking far, far too much of voters, to cast their ballot on the basis of some set of abstract principles or procedures.” He adds, “With the exception of a handful of cases, voters never, ever—in any society, in any culture—prioritize democracy over all else. Individual voters worry about much more mundane things, as is their right. It is up to élites and institutions to protect democracy—not voters.” Levitsky and Ziblatt published “How Democracies Die)” during Donald Trump’s first Administration, but they argue that what’s ailing our democracy runs much deeper—and it didn’t start with Trump. “We’re the only advanced, old, rich democracy that has faced the level of democratic backsliding that we’ve experienced…. So we need to kind of step back and say, ‘What has gone wrong here?’ If we don’t ask those kinds of hard questions, we’re going to continue to be in this roiling crisis,” Ziblatt says.