cover of episode A Nobel prize for explaining why there's global inequality

A Nobel prize for explaining why there's global inequality

2024/12/14
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Daron Acemoglu
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James Robinson
旁白
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James Robinson:在与Daron Acemoglu的合作中,他们挑战了传统经济学对国家贫富差距的解释,认为制度而非地理或文化是关键因素。他们利用欧洲殖民时期的历史数据,特别是殖民者死亡率与不同殖民地制度类型之间的关系,作为自然实验来证明他们的观点。他们认为,殖民者死亡率高的地区,由于欧洲人无法大量定居,建立了旨在剥削当地居民的掠夺性制度,导致长期经济发展滞后;而死亡率低的地区,欧洲人大量定居,建立了更包容的制度,促进了经济增长。他们还进一步发展了包容性制度和掠夺性制度的理论框架,认为包容性制度(包括经济和政治制度)能促进公平竞争和经济增长,而掠夺性制度则只服务于少数精英,阻碍经济发展。他们用历史数据和案例分析支持他们的理论,并回应了对该理论的批评和质疑,例如印度和中国的案例。 Daron Acemoglu:与James Robinson一起,他们开创性地将制度因素纳入对国家经济发展的研究中。他们利用殖民时期欧洲殖民者死亡率的数据,证明了制度在塑造国家长期经济命运中的作用。他们认为,殖民者死亡率高的地区,由于欧洲人无法大量定居,建立了旨在剥削当地居民的掠夺性制度,导致长期经济发展滞后;而死亡率低的地区,欧洲人大量定居,建立了更包容的制度,促进了经济增长。他们还进一步发展了包容性制度和掠夺性制度的理论框架,认为包容性制度(包括经济和政治制度)能促进公平竞争和经济增长,而掠夺性制度则只服务于少数精英,阻碍经济发展。他们用历史数据和案例分析支持他们的理论,并回应了对该理论的批评和质疑,例如印度和中国的案例。 Simon Johnson:与James Robinson和Daron Acemoglu合作,他们利用历史数据和统计方法,证明了制度在解释国家经济发展差异中的关键作用。他们的研究强调了欧洲殖民时期不同殖民模式对后世经济发展的影响,并提出了包容性制度和掠夺性制度的概念。他们认为,包容性制度能促进公平竞争和经济增长,而掠夺性制度则只服务于少数精英,阻碍经济发展。 Greg Rosalsky 和 Jeff Guo:作为节目的主持人,他们介绍了三位经济学家的研究成果,并对他们的研究进行了总结和解读。他们强调了制度在决定国家经济命运中的重要性,并解释了三位经济学家是如何利用历史数据和统计方法来证明他们的观点的。 旁白:本节目讲述了三位诺贝尔经济学奖获得者James Robinson、Daron Acemoglu和Simon Johnson的研究成果,他们通过研究指出制度是决定国家经济命运的关键因素,他们的研究引发了经济学领域的革命。节目中还介绍了他们的研究方法、主要观点以及对该理论的批评和回应。

Deep Dive

Key Insights

Why did it take so long for economists to recognize the power of institutions in determining economic outcomes?

Modern mainstream economics was obsessed with math, data, and statistical proofs, focusing on small, quantifiable questions. Questions about institutions, which are harder to quantify, were seen as too big for traditional economic models.

What was the key insight that James Robinson, Simon Johnson, and Duran Asimoglu won the Nobel Prize for?

Their research demonstrated that institutions, the systems, rules, and structures that shape society, are the primary determinant of a nation's economic success or failure.

How did the economists use the historical context of European colonization to study institutions?

They identified a natural experiment in colonization, where different types of institutions were imposed based on random factors like disease. Settler colonies with growth-friendly institutions became richer, while exploitative colonies became poorer.

What was the role of disease in shaping the institutions of colonized countries?

Disease, particularly high mortality rates for Europeans in certain areas, influenced whether settlers established growth-friendly institutions or exploitative ones. High mortality areas led to exploitative institutions, while low mortality areas led to settler colonies with inclusive institutions.

What is the difference between inclusive and extractive institutions according to James and Duran?

Inclusive institutions spread opportunity and empower people in a free market economy, encouraging innovation and growth. Extractive institutions, on the other hand, serve a small elite, often leading to economic stagnation.

How does the theory of inclusive and extractive institutions explain economic growth?

Inclusive institutions, such as democracy, patent systems, and public education, encourage economic growth by spreading opportunity and incentivizing innovation. Extractive institutions, which concentrate power and wealth in the hands of a few, hinder growth.

Why do some critics argue that the theory of inclusive and extractive institutions is not definitive?

Critics point to examples like India and China, where economic outcomes don't fit neatly into the theory. India, a democracy, has not seen the same economic growth as China, an authoritarian state, which challenges the theory's simplicity.

What is the 'reversal of fortune' documented in the economists' research?

Before colonization, the richest parts of the Americas were Mexico and South America. After colonization, these regions became poorer, while the U.S. and Canada became richer. This reversal challenges geographic explanations for economic disparities.

What is the hopeful message of the economists' research on institutions?

Their work suggests that improving institutions through efforts like better education, accountable government, and social movements can lead to a fairer society and better economy, giving people agency over their nation's destiny.

Shownotes Transcript

Why do some nations fail and others succeed?In the late 1990s and early 2000s, three economists formed a partnership that would revolutionize how economists think about global inequality. Their work centered on a powerful — and almost radically obvious — idea: that the economic fate of nations is determined by how societies organize themselves. In other words, the economists shined a spotlight on the power of institutions, the systems, rules, and structures that shape society.We spoke with two of the Nobel-winning economists about their research on why some countries are rich and others are poor, why it took so long for economics to recognize the power of institutions, and what the heck those even are.*This episode was hosted by Jeff Guo and Greg Rosalsky. It was produced by Willa Rubin with help from James Sneed. It was edited by Martina Castro and fact-checked by Sierra Juarez. Engineering by Gilly Moon with help from James Willetts. Alex Goldmark is Planet Money's executive producer.Help support Planet Money and hear our bonus episodes by subscribing to Planet Money+ in Apple Podcasts) or at plus.npr.org/planetmoney).*Learn more about sponsor message choices: podcastchoices.com/adchoices)NPR Privacy Policy)